John Laughland [amongst many other things] provides numerous insights into the slow [and systematic] subversion of the Sovereign State since the Second World War.
John Laughland (born 6 September 1963) is a British eurosceptic conservative academic and author who writes on international affairs and political philosophy.
Laughland has a doctorate in philosophy from the University of Oxford, studied at Munich University, and has been a lecturer at the Sorbonne and at the Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris.
He also holds the French post-doctoral degree, the ‘habilitation,’ for his work on sovereignty in international relations.
Laughland has contributed articles to The Guardian, The Mail on Sunday, The Sunday Telegraph, The Spectator, Brussels Journal, The Wall Street Journal, National Review, The American Conservative and Antiwar.com.
He was until 2008 the European director of the European Foundation, a eurosceptic think-tank chaired by Bill Cash MP. Laughland was guest editor of The Monist in January 2007.
Since 2008, he has been Director of Studies at the Institute of Democracy and Cooperation in Paris, which is headed by Natalia Narochnitskaya, a Russian historian and former State Duma deputy.
The Institute of Democracy and Cooperation is a think-tank based in Paris.
The subjects it tackles include the following:
the role of history in contemporary politics;
the relationship between the sovereignty of states and human rights;
the role of NGOs and civil society in democracies.
Originally, the United Nations was not authorised to “intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any” Sovereign State.
The Charter of the United Nations was signed on 26 June 1945, in San Francisco, at the conclusion of the United Nations Conference on International Organization, and came into force on 24 October 1945.
The Purposes of the United Nations are:
1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and
4. To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.
The Organization and its Members, in pursuit of the Purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with the following Principles.
1. The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.
2. All Members, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership, shall fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the present Charter.
3. All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
4. All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.
5. All Members shall give the United Nations every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the present Charter, and shall refrain from giving assistance to any state against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action.
6. The Organization shall ensure that states which are not Members of the United Nations act in accordance with these Principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
7. Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter Vll.
Unfortunately, these original principles were being subverted from the very beginning.
In 1997, he published The Tainted Source: The Undemocratic Origins of the European Idea, a critique in which he contends that the European Union shares some ideological affinity with Fascism, Nazism and communism, notably its rejection of the nation-state
John Laughland: Non-interventionism: the Forgotten Doctrine
The subversion has been accompanied by obscuration, evasion, omission, deceit, retribution and [above all] Fake News.
Especially in these days of the Empire of Chaos…
John Laughland: The State as the Primary Factor in Peacemaking
He has written extensively on international criminal justice, condemning the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague on the grounds that the UN Security Council resolution that created it was illegitimate (the Security Council acted ultra vires by creating it) and because he disagrees with its judicial procedures, for example admissibility of hearsay evidence.
He criticises it as a political tribunal and claimed double-standards for refusing to open an investigation into whether NATO committed war crimes in Yugoslavia in 1999.
Laughland was as strong a critic of the Kosovo War in 1999 as he has been of the Iraq War.
Laughland has taken a number of controversial positions, in criticizing Western support for the anti-Serbian opposition to Slobodan Milošević and his condemnation of the November 2003 coup d’état in Georgia.
Laughland has claimed that Ukraine‘s Presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko’s coalition was linked with “neo-Nazis” in an article for The Guardian in 2004, that his ultimately successful attempts to seize power were backed on the streets by “druggy skinheads from Lvov” in The Spectator; that reports of mass graves in Iraq were being exaggerated for political purposes; and that concern for the massacres in the Sudan was driven by oil.
John Laughland: Hybrid Wars and the Return of the Political
John Laughland: The Notion of International Justice